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In practice, at a time marked by class exploitation, famine and the execution of the occupiers and their local collaborators, the whole bourgeoisie left the people at best in the hands of the occupying forces.

On the contrary, some of the remaining communists were able to escape from prisons and exiles (after being handed over to the occupying forces by the bourgeois dictatorship) which led to the Titanic attempt to reorganize the KKE and create the EAM, ELAS and other ELAS.

The EDES, the largest anti-capitalist organization, was established to divert the attention of the KKE and the people’s armed struggle. In fact, Napoleon Cervas, the leader of the EDES, was backed by the British in every possible way and threatened to go to the mountains in the summer of 1942 to gain weight against the ELAS. As noted by British agent Chris Woodhouse:

“It is now clear from the SOE documents that Sarvas was mainly blackmailed in 1942, and that he engaged in a secret war with the occupying authorities between November 1943 and August 1944.”1

In the face of new data generated by the Red Army’s offensive in Stalingrad, its progress in Eastern Europe and the intensity of EAM-EAS action, the EDES ‘informal ceasefire is part of an overall adjustment to the tactics of the bourgeois political forces. .

The advance of the Red Army marked the imminent end of the war against the Axis powers. Assessment that became a global belief after the surrender of fascist Italy (September 1943). In the same year, ELAS liberated large parts of the country, and under its protection established reputable institutions for local administration, education and justice, while its forces also operated in large urban centers. The EAM and its organizations took the lead in organizing the struggle, forcing the occupying authorities to withdraw from the operations of forced mobilization (March 1943) and expansion of the Bulgarian Occupied Territories (July 1943).

In the new situation that arose, the various sections of the bourgeoisie joined together in a life-and-death struggle to ensure that their old differences of opinion were dispelled and post-war bourgeois power re-established. Rawlis, in consultation with British imperialism, served as prime minister of occupied Greece, forming retreating battalions (summer 1943) against the actions of the EAM-ELAS. Shortly afterwards, the exiled bourgeois government, with the help of the British Army, first disbanded the I and later II Middle Eastern Forces and shut down most of the pro-EAA anti-fascist soldiers in Britain. Accumulation camps.2

However, specific repressive measures and the alliance of the EAM and the KKE with the national unity government were not enough to break the ties of the forces created during the occupation. As a result, the bourgeois government had only 3,500 fighters to compete with the 77,000 ELAS, so consolidating bourgeois power relied on the help of the British military, security forces and other collaborators of occupation authorities, which peaked in December. 1944.

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The major class struggle of December changed the military, but did not change the political balance of power. As a result, the consolidation of capitalist power went hand in hand with state repression and terrorism, which could only be implemented as long as it relied on the power of British weapons.

However, after the beginning of the DSE struggle, the British were unable to support the bourgeois regime. As a result, they said, Greece would side with the Socialist camp if it did not take over the US government. On March 12, 1947, US President Harry Truman announced a doctrine of the same name, which provided $ 400 million in financial assistance to the bourgeois governments of Greece and Turkey, telling Congress:

“The United States has accepted the Greek government’s urgent request for financial and financial assistance (…) in support of the Greek government’s discovery that support (reinforcement) is urgently needed to ensure Greece survives as an independent nation…” The existence of the Greek state today is threatened by the questioning of power (…).3

In other words, the bourgeoisie canceled its own campaign for national unity and turned to its bourgeois allies whenever it perceived a threat to its power.

Her choice is deep class. Like the KKE’s choice to seek international support from workers and the masses in its armed conflict with the bourgeoisie. Struggling working people have the right to receive and receive assistance from other people.

What do the documents claim to have revealed?

1. The far-right on the Internet, in newspapers and on the Internet, used the opportunity to rekindle the racist KKE’s post-war and vulgar anti-communist “soup” aimed at seizing part of the nation. That is why they point to an excerpt from Nikos Zachariadis and Markos Vafiadis’s letter to the Central Committee of the KKR (b.) Dated 7.7.1948, stating:

“You know, our plan is summarized here: to substantially destroy monarchy-fascism (ss what the KKE called the post-occupation bourgeois regime) During his attack, he was compelled to do so against the DSE in northern Pinto, and we are prepared with minimal effort to plunder an active part of northern Greece for this purpose so as to spend the right moment of counter-attack on our reserves. The forces of left-wing Greece must be mobilized and effectively organized to further weaken and expose monarchy-fascism.

And what do they mean by this?

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They identify the bourgeois power with Greece and want to secede the KKE territories, which they believe is a fact and has been proven by recently classified documents.

Coal Treasure!

As pointed out in the speech, the DSE’s long-term goal is the liberation of territories, where, as in the days of occupation, the leadership of the workers’-people movement, the Provisional Democratic Government, will be established. . These territories would be the starting point for the further development of the struggle against bourgeois rule, which, according to the KKE’s current lectures, was not intended to overthrow capitalist power, but to exert pressure for democratization.

This target was part of the “Sallips I” and “Sallips II” plans, drawn up in the spring of 1946, before the formation of the DSE, and foretold a general uprising in Macedonia and Thrace centered on Thessaloniki. And the participation of pro-EAM forces within the military (projects that were eventually implemented).4The military target was similar when the 3rd full session of the KKE Central Committee (September 1947) decided to drop the slogan of the general armed struggle.5. Of course, all of the above are not supernatural, but have long been publicized by KKE.

What was the attitude of the Soviet Union and other countries of socialist construction?

In early 1946, Dimitrov, the leader of the Molotov and Bulgarian Communists on behalf of the Soviet Union, opposed the KKE’s proposal to generalize the armed struggle and proposed the KKE’s participation in the March 1946 elections, despite the terrorist regime.6 The attitude of the Soviet Union and other countries of socialist construction was based on the fear that strengthening the DSE might be an excuse for a new imperialist offensive against them.

The KKE did not participate in the 1946 elections, but generalized the armed struggle at a time when the chances of victory were high due to the relative instability of the bourgeoisie. He also had to choose the fact that he linked the outcome of the armed conflict to the assistance of the socialist construction nations.

However, previous elections prove that the struggle of the DSE, led by the KKE, was the culmination of the class struggle in Greece, which had internal causes and deep roots in the will of the vast majority of the Greek people. It is the necessary response of workers and people’s forces to the rampant bourgeois terrorism that has established criminal courts and other courts against the militants who fought against the occupiers, killing thousands, imprisoning, abusing and raping women.

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Moreover, groups of armed persecuted militants were formed in many parts of Greece long before the end of the KKE’s armed struggle, and even on its islands, thousands wanted to join the DSE in the context of civil terrorism. Thousands of unarmed people were captured and deported in a timely manner or imprisoned in dozens of deportation and detention centers across the country.

After all, those who gather at security forces’ memorial ceremonies go a long way in talking about external interference.

2. The authors of the articles have kept their distance from the view of the far right, claiming that the documents revealed that the DSE was strengthened by the USSR. Professor Nikos Marantzidis was the only one most restrained, arguing that historians knew and that the documents prove Soviet oversight of the Greek Civil War. “KKE is trying to degrade systematically”.

This help alone has been known for many years. In terms of, one of the letters [αυτή του Νίκου Ζαχαριάδη και του Μάρκου Βαφειάδη προς το ΚΚΡ (μπ.), με ημερομηνία 7.7.1948] Mentioned as a source Essay on the History of KKE 1918-1949, Vol. B2 (“Modern Times”, published in Athens, 2018), the same book lists the entire letter written to the JC of the Albanian Workers’ Party.7, Which raises more or less the same issues. But earlier, aid from the Soviet Union and socialist construction countries had been repeatedly highlighted by DSE officials.8

The action of the DSE may have been strengthened by this aid, but it did not depend on it alone (according to the authors, “blindly” to the principles of the hostile KKE). The three-year epic of the DSE spread throughout Greece, proving that it did not receive any assistance from foreign aid (such as the Peloponnese) in weakened areas or from Crete and other islands.

The main force supporting the struggle of the DSE is the working class masses and their weapon in their struggle against the occupying forces and their collaborators. The tragic but valiant study of a thousand unarmed men who reached the DSE barefoot, from day to day, from day to day, from day to day, from day to day, from day to day, from day to day, from day to day, in February 1948, proves it. This fact alone is enough to prove the heroism, sacrifice and selflessness of the workers and people’s forces who fought for a just cause.

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